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Making Connections: reporting refugee
policy
Peter Mares, Borderline: Australias response to refugees
and asylum seekers in the wake of the Tampa, UNSW Press, Sydney,
2002.
Cassi Plate
University of Technology, Sydney
1. At a Refugee Symposium at Deakin University in December 2002,
Peter Mares spoke about an alarming new development in border control
currently being tested on the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
It involves retina scans of refugees eyes in order to track
identity changes, border re-crossings, or multiple assistance claims.
One of the most significant aspects of this hi-tech approach is
its administration by the United Nations High Commission for
Refugees (UNHCR), a group which is funded to protect and assist
refugees, not be principally concerned with their surveillance.
2. This example raises two key issues in relation to [Mares' book]
Borderline: firstly that the Australian Governments
preoccupation with security is completely at odds with its duty
of care towards refugees (though not so at odds with international
trends), and secondly that a book dealing with an issue as volatile
and topical as Australias policies and practice towards asylum
seekers can never be conclusive; the ground shifts daily.
3. As Mares stresses, this is a book written in the popular style
of journalism, with the hope of reaching as wide an audience as
possible. He has spoken in this voice as ABC Radios Asia-Pacific
reporter for fifteen years. It is a voice which communicates lucidly
and clearly, a measured voice capable of making connections across
diverse subject areas. During his first years as an Asia-Pacific
specialist he gave weekly rundowns on issues in the region on a
morning programme I presented on the ABCs youth network, 2JJJ.
He was an ideal commentator, introducing and backgrounding information
in a vital and succinct way.
4. This is the strength of Borderline. It meticulously covers
most aspects of the history and debate around the Australian governments
current policies in dealing with refugees. It starts with a comparative
story about the treatment of Austrian and German (largely Jewish)
refugees from the Nazis, who were first interned in British camps,
then sent on overcrowded ships to Australia to be detained in desolate
surroundings in Hay. This episode in Australian history is now considered
a matter of national shame and regret Mares postulates that
the so-called Pacific solution will be judged the same
way.(2) The irony that we continue to punish people fleeing from
countries we are at war with is implied rather than stated.
5. Borderline proceeds with a painstaking accumulation of
intensely researched facts and illustrative stories the shocking
level of incidents of self-harm amongst imprisoned asylum seekers;
details of the attack by Woolridge (the former Minister for Health)
on One Nations proposal for Temporary Protection Visas (later
adopted by the Coalition in November 1999). Woolridges criticisms
stand as an attack on current policy: creating uncertainty
and insecurity
is one of the most dangerous ways to add to
the harm that torturers do.(26) Mares details how, in Australia,
asylum seekers and refugees are seen through the lens of national
sovereignty. The regulatory approach in response to breaches of
national borders is essentially one of control rather than compassion,
and those who arrive unlawfully are considered second-class refugees,
destined to receive second-class treatment. This is an issue Mares
returns to relentlessly, exposing fundamental flaws in government
policy. In fact it could be argued that they are less than second-class
asylum seekers in the community on Temporary Protection Visas
receive less than $33 per week, per family.
6. This hierarchy of citizenship rights is part of a much larger
reconfiguration of power and restructuring of the international
labour market, issues which are beyond the scope of the journalistic
style of Borderline. The Sydney Daily Telegraph recently
reported, in a front-page story (10.1.03), on categories of people
without full citizen rights who become exploited as extremely cheap
labour. Many broader political questions are not visited by Mares
there is no place in Borderline for an analysis of
the No Borders position, the cruel long-term effects
of Temporary Protection Visas in disallowing family reunion or even
contact (although Mares clearly documents how the increase in 1999-2001
of women and children attempting dangerous sea crossings is directly
related to the family reunion prohibition for TPV holders, he stops
short of naming this practice as a form of genocide), or the racialised
system of access to visas, which guarantees that all people from
refugee risk groups will be denied visitor visas that
would then allow them to apply internally.
7. However, although limited by the discourse of journalism, Borderline
details the impossibility for many of the illegal entry
asylum seekers to apply for refugee status from OUTSIDE Australia,
and critiques the International Convention 51 for not allowing refugees
IN, in order to claim refuge. In pursuing this argument he exposes
the contradiction and duplicity at the heart of Ruddocks (Federal
Minister for Immigration) current policy. In an interview with Mares,
Ruddock inferred that recent arrivals to Australia, a group of people
whose claims are generally upheld are not bona-fide
refugees.(108) Mares refutes these distorted claims about
people who have finally made it through every hurdle with detailed
statistics it would be hard to pick a fight with Mares and
win and inserts judicious examples of incendiary media statements
by politicians (John Howards One Australia anti-Asian
immigration statements in 1988) to identify how a climate of resentment
and fear of outsiders is constructed and fed. He draws on a wide
range of contemporary examples to demonstrate the production of
invasion fears, including the work of popular teenage fiction writer
John Marsden (Tomorrow, when the war began) which, he argues,
plays into a long line of beliefs that plentiful Australia is at
risk from over-populated countries to the north. (29-30)
8. Some of Borderlines most valuable information lies
in comparisons with overseas examples and policies. This is clearly
a polemical book, aiming to influence government policy (specifically
the government-in-waiting) on treatment of refugees. While harsh
in its criticisms of the effects of current policies, all suggestions
for change are pragmatically moderate. Mares documents the detention
and treatment of children, many with no access to formal education.
In May 2002 there were 351 children in the camps in Manus
and Nauru, and they had been detained between six and nine months
an inquiry by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity
Commission into the situation of children in immigration detention
in Australia did not extend to those held overseas. (133)
By comparison, Children are never detained in Sweden beyond
the briefest possible period, because Swedish law bans the detention
of children for more than six days. (250)
9. One of the books strengths lies in the use of Sweden as
a comparable model. As Mares details, the two countries receive
roughly the same number of asylum seekers each year, however, with
a smaller population and fewer natural borders (70% of people claiming
refugee status arrive illegally), Sweden has more to deal with per
capita. As a result of the Bosnian war in the early 1990s, Sweden
received up to 80,000 asylum seekers annually. Their response was
not to use detention as a deterrence. Instead, between 1997-2000
immigration detention policies in Australia and Sweden went in opposite
directions as Australia privatised its detention centres,
Sweden went public in a desire to civilianise the process.
While most people are housed in the community, for those in detention,
in the words of the Swedish spokeswoman, apart from the fact
that they cannot leave the premises, they are entitled to the same
rights as any other person would be
we guarantee that they
have contact with the outside world, they have freedom of information.
(247-8)
10. A major critical difference is the assigning of a case-worker
to each asylum seeker, who works with them through each stage of
the process. Mares compares this with the extreme trauma of long-term
(up to three years) detention in Australia, with no personal support
or guidance to mediate, or offer advice and comfort. Sweden eventually
expels a high proportion of asylum seekers 80% but
rarely has to resort to coercion for removal, due to the case-worker
system, the trust, and the respectful treatment which allows failed
claimants to maintain their dignity. (253-4) By comparison
the Australian process is horrendous, traumatic and dehumanising
at every stage. The Justice for Asylum Seekers alliance (JAS) proposes
the introduction of a case-worker system in Australia, as part of
its alternative detention model and argues that increased
costs would probably be offset by a reduction in expenses
flowing from trauma, violence and destruction of property.
(255)
11. Borderline is a definitive, timely, and necessary documentation
of Australias response to refugees. While this multi-award
winning reportage does not break new theoretical ground it is a
valuable starting point for change. A more comprehensive and detailed
set of sub-clauses under the contents list for each chapter would
allow the reader greater access to the wealth of research available.
Supplementary reading includes David Walker, Anxious Nation;
Anthony Burke, In Fear of Security: Australias Invasion
Anxiety, and James Jupp and Mary Kabala, The Politics of
Australian Immigration.
Dr Cassi Plate is a broadcaster, curator and writer. She has
written for the UTS Review, The Australian Financial Review
(Millennial Fever, Federation and White Australia: Aliens
Within and Without), and edited the Borderpanic Reader
for a symposium and art event in Sydney and Amsterdam, 2002. She
teaches in Cultural Studies at UTS. Email: Cassi.Plate@uts.edu.au
The URL for this article is:
http://www.borderlandsejournal.adelaide.edu.au/vol2no1_2003/plate_mares.html
© borderlands ejournal 2003
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